Estimated time of reading: ~ 4 minutes

Scepticism about the European project is a long-standing phenomenon, which gains strength whenever the continent faces a crisis. The promoters of Euroscepticism, often from radical right-wing groups, try to exacerbate the narrative about the limits of the European Union’s ability to deal with difficulties, attributing to Brussels the majority of the responsibility for the problems of the economy and the consequences for citizens of this dynamic. A champion and case study in this sense is the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, in power continuously in the Central European country since 2010 (and already head of government before). Orban has constantly worked to undermine the credibility of the European Union while directly benefiting from EU funding of the Hungarian economy. The playbook of Eurosceptics in government is usually this: take as much as possible of what Brussels offers, often demanding even more funds, while accusing the EU of not caring about the fate of the national economy. Citizens are often exposed to a distorted view of reality, especially in those countries where media control has been strongly centralized, as is the case in Hungary. Regarding the issues that fuel the euroscepticism narrative, a study published by the EU Commission in 2023 highlights some recurring patterns, citing “the re-emergence of identity issues,” as “many people feel threatened by changes related to diversity or social values.” In particular, “older people and those with lower levels of educational attainment are viewed as more susceptible to such sentiments. Similar arguments have been made about people in places with limited population mobility.” For others, “the appeal of anti-system parties is linked to long-term economic decline in places that have struggled to adapt to globalization, trade integration, and the green and digital transitions.” It is also worth noticing that such “cultural and economic factors often coincide geographically. Big cities tend to be economically dynamic, diverse places where progressive ideas are accepted. Many smaller cities, towns, and rural areas lack these characteristics.” All these features apply to many countries and regions across the whole European Union, and as the EU Commission’s report states, it can be seen as a mechanism of the so-called “regional development trap.” A region falls into a development trap “if the prosperity of its inhabitants does not improve relative to its own past performance and if its economic growth falls behind national and EU averages,” and thus “discontent is more likely to grow in places that have fallen into a development trap.” According to the EU Commission’s study, there are several reasons for this. “Firstly, people who had something and lost it (territories in decline) are more susceptible to discontent than people who never had anything (territories that have always lagged behind). Moreover, individual perceptions of development are always relative. Standards of living in Europe have increased considerably, but not evenly, in recent decades. Large swathes of northeastern and eastern France and most of Italy and Greece have struggled to keep pace with the rest of Europe—and it is in France and Italy where the risk of entrapment was highest from 2001 to 2018. People in such areas not only realize that they are doing worse than before but also that other regions are doing better.” It comes as no surprise that in such areas, eurosceptic and populist far-right groups gained voters and support in recent times. Rural areas across the EU are also the most disaffected towards Brussels and its policies. The current geopolitical turbulences could exacerbate such dynamics in Europe and create a new wave of populist and eurosceptic forces in the member states.

Written by: Francesco Marino